Imperial
Presidency Presidential Power
Arthur
Schlesinger Richard Neustadt
Houghton Mifflin
Company, Boston 1973 Simon
& Schuster
copyright (c)
1973 by Arthur Schlesinger copyright (c) 1986 by Macmillan College
505 pp.
Publishing Company, Inc.
Overview:
Imperial Presidency
In his book, The Imperial Presidency, Arthur
Schlesinger recounts the rise of the presidency
as it grew into the imperial, powerful position that it is today. His
writing reflects a belief that the presidency is becoming too powerful and that
very few people are making a real effort to stop it. He analyzes the back and
forth struggle for power between
Congress and the Presidency. Schlesinger
breaks up the first half of the book chronologically. He begins by discussing
the areas concerning the presidency where the founding fathers agreed and also
the areas where they disagreed. He then goes on to analyze the rise of the
imperial presidency through war and recovery, with emphasis on the events of
the twentieth century. After the war in Vietnam, Schlesinger divides the book
based on the specific nature of the events that had an impact on presidential
power. He divides it based on domestic policy, foreign policy, and the affairs
that go on in secrecy.
Schlesinger provides an incredible amount of
evidence to recount the ups and downs of the imperial presidency. He provides a
base for his argument with an in-depth view of what the framers intended and
how they set the stage for development over the next two centuries. An issue
that Schlesinger focuses on is the presidents ability to make war. The decisions
of the founders in this area would have a huge impact on the power contained in
the office of the president. The consensus amongst the framers was that the
president, as Commander in Chief, had the ability to defend the United States
and its interests, but the ability to declare war was vested in the Congress.
This decision set the stage for the struggles between the president and
congress. He also discussed the debate over the power institutionalized in the
presidency. At the time, there were two schools of thought on the subject.
Hamilton supported an active president, while Jefferson argued in favor of a
passive president. The final draft included a compromise of the two theories.
There was also some debate over the power of the president versus the power of
congress. Additionally, there was a compromise made over this issue when
writing the final draft. The spirit of compromise amongst the founders was what
provided a viable and secure base for the future of the presidency.
After his discussion of the founders,
Schlesinger shifts to the president's powers of war. He analyzes every war,
excluding the Revolution, that the United States has participated in up to and
including the war in Vietnam. He discusses the specifics of each scenario and
the way in which the president handles it. Schlesinger develops the slowly
growing power of the presidency by recounting the actions that the president
carried out on his own as well as those that required the consent of Congress
to be accomplished. As time progressed, Schlesinger made note of all the major
events that increased and decreased the power of the presidency. For example,
he discusses the almost dictatorial power of Lincoln during the Civil War and
then the impeachment of Andrew Johnson shortly thereafter. These are two events
that are indicative of the seesaw struggle between the presidency and Congress.
Schlesinger goes on to discuss additional examples of conflict between the
presidency and Congress such as the dominance of Congress during the late 1800's,
the annexation of Texas, the Great Depression, W.W.II, the Korean War, and the
war in Vietnam.
Schlesinger focuses a great deal of attention
on the events of the twentieth century, because, in part, this was when the
power of the presidency vaulted to the level that it currently maintains. The
reason for this, in addition to what the early presidents had done, was that
the government was growing fast and the role of the government was increasing.
There were many gray areas in which the president could extend his power. The
power of the president to make war as Commander in Chief is an example of a
gray area where the presidency was able to gain much power. Schlesinger
discusses how the president was able to gain
power through the clause in the Constitution that gives the president
the power to mobilize the military, without the consent of Congress, in the
name of national defense. This clause allowed the president to deploy forces
around the world. The grayness of this area comes from the fact that what one
man may consider an act of defense, another man may consider to be an act of
aggression, and vice versa. Because of this, the presidency was able to gain a
leg up on Congress.
Schlesinger also discusses the actions taken
within the inner sanctum of the White House. His focus is on the presidents
from FDR through Nixon. Many of these men made many controversial decisions
while in the oval office. Schlesinger goes over these actions with a
microscope. For instance, he discusses the extreme secrecy and deception that
Nixon practiced while in office. He analyzes the specific actions of the
administration, the reasons for the actions, and the result of the actions.
According to Schlesinger, the result of Nixon's extreme secrecy led him to be
withdrawn from the rest of the country. He eventually created his own reality
within the White House. It was a self-perceived reality where he could do
whatever he wanted, right or wrong. This led to a somber, macabre mood
throughout the White House, and eventually led to Nixon's downfall. He goes
over the administrations of the modern presidents with a fine-toothed comb. He
reviews their actions in reference to their specific nature (i.e., internal
policy and foreign policy). Schlesinger also spends a chapter discussing the
classified actions that only the officials in Washington knew about. He reviews
the covert actions throughout the history of the presidency, not merely the
twentieth century. Although, as is the case with most other topic areas, he
focuses on the modern presidents. The majority of these secret actions involved
either the CIA or the military. Even though we are unaware that these actions
are occurring, they have a big impact on both our lives and the imperial power
of the office of the presidency.
Methodology &
Evidence: Imperial Presidency
Schlesinger proves his thesis by following
American politics from the founding fathers up through the Nixon
administration. He recounts the major political actions taken by the presidents
over the first two-hundred years of the United States. He shows how the
presidency grew in power and stature by reviewing the specifics of the actions
of the individual presidents. Through these actions, Schlesinger shows how the
presidency gradually accumulated power. He shows how the presidents wrestled
power away from Congress bit by bit over time. The reactions of Congress are
analyzed as well as the rest of Washington, and the general public. Schlesinger
describes how the president gradually, over time, began to make more and more
decisions on his own, leaving Congress in the dark. His incredible historical
knowledge allows him to justify all his arguments. He provides more than
sufficient specific information on what was really going on in Washington and
the White House. It seems as though Schlesinger knew the specifics and
background of every major presidential decision and treaty every made.
As he moves into the twentieth century,
Schlesinger expresses the opinion that the presidency is gaining too much power
and that Congress has not taken the necessary measures to prevent this.
Schlesinger expresses disapproval of the secrecy that presidents have been
exercising and their practice of circumventing Congress. He directs the most
disapproval towards the Nixon administration. He speaks of Nixon as the most
secretive and the most independent from Congress. The Nixon administration was
characterized by the sneakiness that Schlesinger most strongly disapproved of.
Schlesinger does not express his opinions outright, but infers them through the
tone of his writing.
Presidential
Power
In his book, Richard Neustadt discusses the
quest for power and influence that has become necessary for a modern president
to be effective. He believes that the constitution provides only for the
president to be a clerk. This is why it is necessary for a president to be
thirsty for power to be effective. There is very little power provided for the
constitution. He has to have the initiative to make things happen. The key to power, he believes, is the ability
to persuade people. Neustadt contends that the power of the President is
constantly in jeopardy, and that the ability to persuade is necessary for the
president not only to gain power, but to also maintain his power. Also,
Neustadt believes the president's ability to influence people is necessary to
move the three branches of government into action. He says that there are
several necessary qualities that a president must have in order to exert this
influence. The president must be tenacious while also understanding of others.
If he wants to get anything done, he must be persistent, but it is necessary
that he listen to the opinions of others and use their suggestions. As an
aspect of his persistence, a president must be able to rebound from adversity.
Then, he will have the respect and confidence of the people.
Neustadt writes the book from the
perspective of the general public looking in from the outside. He shows much
understanding of the presidency and an awareness of the position the president
is placed in. His great knowledge of the presidency and his first hand
experience with the institution provide him with the basis for his argument. He
contends that the presidency is not as powerful as we think it is. In fact, he
believes that an increase in presidential power would be good for the country
and is not to be feared. In essence, he contends that presidents should strive
for power and strive for it on their own.
Conclusion
Schlesinger and Neustadt both have an
incredible knowledge of the history of American politics, and both have had
first hand experience as counsel to the president. Although, in their
respective books, Schlesinger and Neustadt express distinctly different
opinions. Schlesinger is more wary of presidential power than Neustadt.
Neustadt believes that presidents should try to accumulate as much power as
possible for the good of the country. Schlesinger, on the other hand, believes
that the presidency has accumulated more than enough power, and the other
branches of government should take action to check the trend. Neustadt believes
that presidents gain power through good, hard work and persuasion. Schlesinger
writes that power is the result of sneakiness and boldness. In short, Neustadt
thought that an increase power would be positive, and Schlesinger thought it
would be a detriment.
Each author supported his argument by
personifying it in a specific president. Neustadt used FDR, while Schlesinger
used Nixon. Neustadt felt that FDR exemplified all the qualities necessary for
an effective presidency. He was vigorous, experienced, confident, and a sincere
person. He was willing to do what it took to get things done in the best
interest of the country, and he did it ethically. According to Schlesinger,
Nixon was also willing to do whatever it took to make things happen, but ethics
were of little importance to him. Schlesinger discussed how he gained his power
by keeping Congress, the media, and the public ignorant of his actions, legal
and illegal. His sneaky, underhanded ways were what led to his downfall. He had
become too powerful. He felt he could get away with anything.
Neither man is wrong. They just maintain
different views. Neustadt focused on the good things that have come from
presidential power (FDR), while Schlesinger pointed out the negative (Nixon).
Although, each man's argument is not completely right. Neustadt displays a bit
too much optimism. He does not take in to account the abuses of power that are
likely to happen if a president becomes too powerful. He doesn't consider the
fact that not all presidents are completely ethical. Schlesinger expresses a
bit too much pessimism. This is a result of the Johnson and Nixon
administration. Schlesinger may have been reacting to all the negative things
that were coming out as a result of Vietnam and Watergate. The Imperial
Presidency was written at a time when political efficacy was very low. Had
Schlesinger written the book at any other time, he probably wouldn't have been
that wary of an overly powerful president. If I had to make a recommendation, I
would endorse both. The seem to compliment each other. Neustadt discusses how
presidential power can improve the presidency and the government, and
enumerates the traits necessary to achieve it. Schlesinger helps to warn us of
the problems that can arise from too much power. Together, they provide us with
both sides of the argument.
Imperial Presidency / Presidential
Power
Imperial
Presidency Presidential Power
Arthur
Schlesinger Richard Neustadt
Houghton Mifflin
Company, Boston 1973 Simon
& Schuster
copyright (c)
1973 by Arthur Schlesinger copyright (c) 1986 by Macmillan College
505 pp. Publishing
Company, Inc.
Overview:
Imperial Presidency
In his book, The Imperial Presidency, Arthur
Schlesinger recounts the rise of the presidency
as it grew into the imperial, powerful position that it is today. His
writing reflects a belief that the presidency is becoming too powerful and that
very few people are making a real effort to stop it. He analyzes the back and
forth struggle for power between Congress and the Presidency. Schlesinger
breaks up the first half of the book chronologically. He begins by discussing
the areas concerning the presidency where the founding fathers agreed and also
the areas where they disagreed. He then goes on to analyze the rise of the
imperial presidency through war and recovery, with emphasis on the events of
the twentieth century. After the war in Vietnam, Schlesinger divides the book
based on the specific nature of the events that had an impact on presidential
power. He divides it based on domestic policy, foreign policy, and the affairs
that go on in secrecy.
Schlesinger provides an incredible amount of
evidence to recount the ups and downs of the imperial presidency. He provides a
base for his argument with an in-depth view of what the framers intended and
how they set the stage for development over the next two centuries. An issue
that Schlesinger focuses on is the presidents ability to make war. The
decisions of the founders in this area would have a huge impact on the power
contained in the office of the president. The consensus amongst the framers was
that the president, as Commander in Chief, had the ability to defend the United
States and its interests, but the ability to declare war was vested in the
Congress. This decision set the stage for the struggles between the president
and congress. He also discussed the debate over the power institutionalized in
the presidency. At the time, there were two schools of thought on the subject.
Hamilton supported an active president, while Jefferson argued in favor of a
passive president. The final draft included a compromise of the two theories.
There was also some debate over the power of the president versus the power of
congress. Additionally, there was a compromise made over this issue when
writing the final draft. The spirit of compromise amongst the founders was what
provided a viable and secure base for the future of the presidency.
After his discussion of the founders,
Schlesinger shifts to the president's powers of war. He analyzes every war,
excluding the Revolution, that the United States has participated in up to and
including the war in Vietnam. He discusses the specifics of each scenario and
the way in which the president handles it. Schlesinger develops the slowly
growing power of the presidency by recounting the actions that the president
carried out on his own as well as those that required the consent of Congress
to be accomplished. As time progressed, Schlesinger made note of all the major
events that increased and decreased the power of the presidency. For example,
he discusses the almost dictatorial power of Lincoln during the Civil War and
then the impeachment of Andrew Johnson shortly thereafter. These are two events
that are indicative of the seesaw struggle between the presidency and Congress.
Schlesinger goes on to discuss additional examples of conflict between the
presidency and Congress such as the dominance of Congress during the late
1800's, the annexation of Texas, the Great Depression, W.W.II, the Korean War,
and the war in Vietnam.
Schlesinger focuses a great deal of attention
on the events of the twentieth century, because, in part, this was when the
power of the presidency vaulted to the level that it currently maintains. The
reason for this, in addition to what the early presidents had done, was that
the government was growing fast and the role of the government was increasing.
There were many gray areas in which the president could extend his power. The
power of the president to make war as Commander in Chief is an example of a
gray area where the presidency was able to gain much power. Schlesinger
discusses how the president was able to gain
power through the clause in the Constitution that gives the president
the power to mobilize the military, without the consent of Congress, in the
name of national defense. This clause allowed the president to deploy forces
around the world. The grayness of this area comes from the fact that what one
man may consider an act of defense, another man may consider to be an act of
aggression, and vice versa. Because of this, the presidency was able to gain a
leg up on Congress.
Schlesinger also discusses the actions taken
within the inner sanctum of the White House. His focus is on the presidents
from FDR through Nixon. Many of these men made many controversial decisions
while in the oval office. Schlesinger goes over these actions with a
microscope. For instance, he discusses the extreme secrecy and deception that
Nixon practiced while in office. He analyzes the specific actions of the
administration, the reasons for the actions, and the result of the actions.
According to Schlesinger, the result of Nixon's extreme secrecy led him to be
withdrawn from the rest of the country. He eventually created his own reality
within the White House. It was a self-perceived reality where he could do
whatever he wanted, right or wrong. This led to a somber, macabre mood
throughout the White House, and eventually led to Nixon's downfall. He goes
over the administrations of the modern presidents with a fine-toothed comb. He
reviews their actions in reference to their specific nature (i.e., internal
policy and foreign policy). Schlesinger also spends a chapter discussing the
classified actions that only the officials in Washington knew about. He reviews
the covert actions throughout the history of the presidency, not merely the
twentieth century. Although, as is the case with most other topic areas, he
focuses on the modern presidents. The majority of these secret actions involved
either the CIA or the military. Even though we are unaware that these actions
are occurring, they have a big impact on both our lives and the impe
No comments:
Post a Comment