The broad language of the second article of the
Constitution left many questions about the power and authority of the President
and the Executive branch of the Federal Government. Since George Washington, each Chief Executive
has come to the position with different beliefs on the responsibility and power
of the President. However the
performance of the president is often shaped by outside factors which control
how he must act as a Chief Executive.
The behavior of presidents come from a number of different
criteria. A president's personal
character, his approach to the position and circumstances during his term all
contribute to presidential behavior.
Presidents have approached the office from two
vague positions. They have believed, to
varying degrees, that either the president has a strong leadership position and
broad powers to direct the nation in one direction, or that the president has
very limited powers dictated by the Constitution and should act like a chief
administrator for the Federal Government.
These beliefs were reflected in their behavior while in the White
House. Franklin Roosevelt believed that
the Federal Government had an obligation and interest in bringing the nation
out of the depression. In order to do
this he initiated a number of agencies and projects to employ people. In the first "Hundred Days" of
Roosevelt's first term he initiated a number of programs which increased the
size of the Federal Government and the power of the President. He did all that he could to see that his
proposals were put into place. This
included a failed court packing scheme to have a more friendly Supreme Court to
find his programs constitutional (Lowi and Ginsberg
230.) In contrast to this belief in broad presidential
authority by Franklin Roosevelt was Howard Taft. Taft believed that Presidential authority was
very limited the constitution and had to be specifically granted to the
President by Congress or the Constitution (Lowi and Ginsberg 220.) Another example of a passive approach to the
presidency to is George Washington.
While he is often seen as a very influential president, his position as
the first President require that he had to set many standards. In fact President Washington hoped that the
presidency would not be dominate. In his
inaugural address he argued for a strong legislature which he received (Lowi
and Ginsburg 227.) However, personal
beliefs on the role of the president have been minor in the behavior of a
President. When required all Presidents
have assumed power to quickly deal with a situation.
A President's personality and beliefs are also
a factor in determining his actions as a President. Barber argues that a person's personality is
shaped by his character, world view, and style all of which are established at
different times in his life. He argues
that a person's character is established early in life, world view is shaped
adolescence, and style in early adulthood.
These broad areas of personality come together to establish a style of
leadership and presidential character.
Barber goes on to establish four categories of Presidential Character
which are; active-positive, active-negative, passive-positive,
passive-negative. Jefferson was clearly
an active-positive president who was proactive
and enjoyed the
power which he had. Barber explains this
by his Enlightenment education and good humor.
Adams would fit into his category of active-negative presidents who had a
strong work ethic (a result of his Puritan heritage) but a harsh
disposition. Madison can be fit into the
place of passive-positive. He bowed to
political pressure, but enjoyed his position because of his past in framing and
support for the Constitution. Finally a
passive-negative president would be President Washington who was more or less
forced into the office. He hoped for
stability in the new government and allowed others to take an active role in
forming the institutions of the government.
His military background and obligation to perform community service
explain this approach to community service (Woll 291-300.) While Barber is successful is placing
presidents into these categories, he gives very vague examples of character
which explain their behavior as a president.
It would be difficult to successfully predict how future presidents
would fit into his categories and they are too broad to explain behavior of
presidents.
Presidential behavior can also be seen in
historical terms that the stature and power of the president has increased with
the growth of the Federal Government.
Since the early twentieth century through the present day the Federal
Government has grown in scope and size with almost each President. This is also true with the United States in
the area of international relations.
Presidents in the last century have taken a much larger
part in
legislature leadership because of the nature of their election process. Presidents such as Reagan and Clinton ran on
specific programs which they would implement.
Reagan acted in an active legislative way by proposing a tax cut and
increased military spending, both of which he achieved. Clinton tried to accomplish health care
reform as well as welfare reform. Both
of these types of legislative leadership were different from the actions of
Madison who was viewed as a "chief clerk" (Lowi and Ginsburg
228.) Since Franklin Roosevelt the
Federal Government has provided a wide array of services and regulations for the
American public. This has resulted in a
growth of the executive branch. The
President has had to increase his role in developing policy as leader of the
executive branch. The growth of the
United States into a global power has also changed the behavior of the
President. His almost complete control over
foreign policy has made him the most powerful diplomat in the world. This explanation, however, only shows the
difference in the character of the office of the presidency in the past
century. How each individual president
fits into this pattern is left unexplained.
The most important consideration in explaining
presidential behavior is outside circumstances and events. The nature of the office is for the president
to be a reactionary on many different fronts.
For the most part the legislation that the president proposes is in
response to a problem or concern by the public or the media. The president must react to international
events which may effect American interests.
Presidents who want to take
a proactive
approach to problems are often bogged down with problems which derail their
plans. President Kennedy was forced to
devote most of his time to Cold War issues during his presidency than domestic
affairs because he found himself in power during two of the biggest events of
the Cold War. The failed Bay of Pigs
Invasion and the Cuban Missile Crisis forced Kennedy away from domestic issues
which he promised to tackle. Hoover's
presidency was completely derailed because of the depression. Lincoln focused himself completely at the
task of keeping the Union, even if this meant blatant violations of civil
liberties. While circumstances may
dictate what a President must deal with, it does not necessarily explain how he
comes to a position on issues and deals with problems.
The behavior of a President can only be
explained as a combination of many factors.
His personal politics and approach to the power of the Presidency will
explain if he will try to lead the whole government and beyond that the whole
nation, or if he will act as a clerk, putting into action the orders of
Congress. A Presidents character and
style of leadership are an important factor in his approach to leadership. The size and duty of the Federal Government
also effect a President's behavior and the priorities of his office. Finally a President must react to events at
home and abroad which are out of his control.
The pressures that these events and the public reaction to them probably
have the greatest influence over his behavior and decisions.
Actions and behavior of a President are the
result of a complex set of circumstances.
No one criteria can be used to explain the behavior of the president in
any event. Explaining actions on the
basis of one criteria is futile and should be reserved to talk radio hosts.
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